English Language Essays Language play in Literature

English Language Essays Language play in Literature What is the job of language play in writing? Language play, the utilization of words and language to make new and bizarre implications and correspondences, has for some time been utilized by writers to guarantee that their words affect perusers. Artists, dramatists and authors, both exemplary and contemporary, use language play to invoke the readers’ creative mind without longwinded depictions or long clarifications. Language play manages essayists the chance to state more with less, inspiring distinctive symbolism making the peruser feel the activity, as opposed to just perusing words on a page. â€Å"Literary language is not the same as regular language since it causes to notice some property of the language itself, and features or closer views it. This foregrounding shocks the peruser into a new observation and energy about the subject matter.† (Jeffries, 1996, p. 163) There are a wide range of kind of foregrounding utilized by creators, the greater part of which are additionally viewed as sorts of language play. Out of the convention of language play comes the expression â€Å"to play on words† which ordinarily alludes to the most fundamental type of language play, punning. Be that as it may, this expression can likewise be taken in this setting to allude to different kinds of language play including: representations, comparisons, rhyme, similar sounding word usage, sound similarity, likeness in sound, and numerous other increasingly specialized types of language play. Numerous writers use language play to make their own particular style, separating their words and thoughts, yet in addition themselves as scholars. These creators have utilized language play to break artistic shows and make their own scholarly trademarks. One of the most outstanding creators known to perseveringly utilize language play in their writing is William Shakespeare, who broke shows of topic and language use far before his time. Shakespeare’s utilization of language play has guaranteed that his plays stay pertinent right up 'til the present time, while crafted by his counterparts frequently seem dated or insignificant today. Shakespeare ingrained immortality in his works by utilizing various language play shows to make visual pictures for his perusers and crowds. He blended the utilization of verse and exposition in his plays to check changes in the account, strikingly the development from discussion to speeches. This utilization of language play is compelling both when perusing the writings and tuning in to the words so anyone might hear. As text the development from writing to verse has a particularly unique look on the page, similarly as the cadence of discourse changes when perused out loud. In his verse he regularly utilizes rhyme, similar sounding word usage (the reiteration of consonants), sound similarity (the redundancy of vowels) and likeness in sound (words that sound like the things or activities they depict, for example, fly) to make a particular, paramount beat inside the content. This utilization of language play inside the content additionally makes text which is remarkably simpler for on-screen characters to present and recollect. Be that as it may, presumably the most prominent language play show utilized by Shakespeare is punning, which he used to extraordinary impact both in his disasters and comedies. â€Å"Shakespeare was a committed punster, for funny as well as deplorable purpose†¦. A model is Hamlet’s cry: Is thy association here? Hamlet, v. iii. 340) At the point when he understands that his mom has smashed the wine bound with a harmed pearl (an association) by the man she has participated in association or marriage, consequently realizing her association with death. Here a play on words packs implications and feelings in a ground-breaking and powerful way. (Cook, 1996, p. 220â€221). Shakespeare likewise utilized punning for comedic purposes in his comedies and sentiments. There are various instances of talk in Shakespeare’s comedies. These chats frequently fill a comedic need as well as move to create characters or shed knowledge on to the plot. In Twelfth Night the imbecile or comedian character, Feste, shows up before the finish of the play to be the most astute and smart character, and subsequently he is cherished and regarded by all. FESTE                  Good madonna, why mournst thou? OLIVIA                Good Fool, for my siblings passing. FESTE                  I think his spirit is in heck, madonna. OLIVIA                I realize his spirit is in paradise, fool. FESTE                  The more imbecile, madonna, to grieve for your siblings soul,  â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â â being in paradise. Remove the imbecile, men of honor. (Shakespeare, Act. 1 Scene 5) In this section Shakespeare utilizes word recurrence to concentrate the perusers consideration on the job of Feste as the blockhead. The impact of word recurrence is that as words are rehashed they increase a more prominent impact upon the peruser, (Graddol, et. al. 1994, p. 227-228). As the word fool is rehashed all through the entry, and all through the play, it centers the perusers thoughtfulness regarding the incongruity in that the one character that can see everything that is going on inside the confused play if Feste, the numb-skull. Toward the start of scene five Olivia calls for Feste to be removed on the grounds that she doesn't comprehend what he is attempting to state, he at that point demonstrates himself to be progressively solid of brain then she, the genuine Shakespearean imbecile. â€Å"People’s comprehension of writings not just rely upon a general information on the world, yet additionally include procedures of appreciation which are not curious to language (Graddol, et. al. 1994, p. 218). In this sense writers frequently rely upon reader’s information, suppositions and feelings to pick up the responses they want from their perusers. Accordingly, in Twelfth Night despite the fact that Feste is alluded to as the simpleton the crowd before long figures out how to hear him out for understanding into the story. Similarly as Shakespeare utilizes language play to improve his plays and guarantee their agelessness, comparatively, Gabriel Garcia Marquez implants his works with inspirations of the mystical and dreamlike, while staying inside the characterization of abstract fiction, instead of intersection the limit into sci-fi, albeit a large number of his story-lines could without much of a stretch be delegated sci-fi or dream. Marquez utilizes unordinary representations to make a special reality where, regularly, the past present and future concur, yet Marquez presents his stories in such a visual and ground-breaking style, that they not don't seem weird. ‘Through the window he thought about the ocean become lazy in the boredom of four o’clock, and acknowledged with overwhelming sadness the swallows had returned,’ (Marquez, 1995, p. 20). In this entry Marquez utilizes language play in various manners. Right off the bat he utilizes the reader’s suspicions of what certain words should mean and which different words they ought to be gathered with, these presumptions are alluded to as compositions and edges (Graddol, et. al., 1994, p. 216-8). Besides he utilizes collocation (Jeffries, 1996, p. 169), which is connected to the possibility of constructions and casings, utilizing gathering strange words to make an effect upon the peruser. In his portrayal of the â€Å"sea developed drowsy† Marquez utilizes the possibility that most perusers would consider the to be as raucous and conflicts with that by depicting it as sluggish, making a feeling of despairing with just a couple of words. He additionally utilizes the perusers comprehension of the expressions â€Å"heavy heart† and â€Å"swallows returning† to communicate the possibility of pity in time passing. Without saying that time has passed the utilization of the expression â€Å"the swallows had returned† demonstrates to the peruser that it is presently spring and the character being referred to is troubled about it. The two writers figure out how to oppose being categorized by utilizing language play to paint striking unique pictures in the reader’s creative mind. They rely upon the peruser to fill in the subtleties of what they are portraying, and in doing so staying away from the need to depict subtleties which could keep them to a particular period or type of writing. On the off chance that there were no language play, there would be no writing in light of the fact that there would be just a single method of saying any a certain something. Language play manages creators the capacity to customize their considerations, and those of their characters, making dynamic accounts. A lot of writing is referential, yet without the utilization of language play we would only have redundancy instead of reference. â€Å"No text is delivered which isn't somehow or another influenced by messages, both spoken and composed, scholarly and non-artistic, that have gone before it’ (Jeffries, 1996, p. 181). It is their utilization of language as opposed to their thoughts, which set creators apart from each other. Book reference Cook, G. â€Å"Language play in English† (pp. 198-227). In: Maybin, J. what's more, Mercer, N. (1996). Utilizing English: From discussion to group. London: Routledge. Graddol, D., Cheshire, J. Swann, J. (1994). Portraying Language. â€Å"7.4: Written Language.† (pp. 214-234). Buckingham Philadelphia: Open University Press. Jeffries, L. â€Å"What makes English into art?† (pp. 162-184). In: Maybin, J. what's more, Mercer, N. (1996). Utilizing English: From discussion to standard. London: Routledge. Marquez, G.G. (1995) Of Love and different Demons (interpreted from Spanish by Edith Grossman). Toronto: Knopf Canada. Shakespeare, W. Twelfth Night. Act 1, Scene 5. In: http://www.shakespeare-literature.com/Twelfth_Night/5.html

History of Streptococcus Pyogenes :: Biomedical

History of Streptococcus Pyogenes Conceptual: With the most punctual chronicles originating from the Fifth Century B.C., streptococcus pyogenes, and all the more as often as possible, its side effects have been predominant among specialists and students of history for a long time. The first referencing of streptococcus pyogenes is to be credited to Hippocrates, in which he portrays the overall manifestations of the tissue eating microorganisms in its beginning times. At that point portrayed by Billroth in 1874, patients conveying erysipelas were resolved to have this specific bacterial contamination. In 1883, the chain-shaping microscopic organisms were disengaged by Fehleisen; and in the next year, Rosenbach applied the S. pyogenes name. Further advances in hemolytic and non-hemolytic examinations were made by Lancefield in the 1930’s, in which the alpha, beta, and gamma subgroups of the hemolytic structures †point by point and characterized by Schottmueller and Brown - were partitioned into serotypes. Despite the fact that he lived four centuries before the introduction of Christ, a man named Hippocrates recorded the manifestations of maladies we despite everything see right up 'til the present time. Known as the â€Å"Father of Medicine† (Hippocrates), Hippocrates was an old doctor who contemplated and recorded his observances of the body’s diseases and physiology. He put forward the establishment for future doctors, and in doing as such, is certify for our insight into irresistible ailments in prior hundreds of years. During this time be that as it may, many accepted the earth and its occupants were made out of four general components: air, water, fire, and soil. They likewise accepted that any one individual who became sick was being rebuffed by the divine beings. As a foresighted mastermind however, Hippocrates empowered that people turned out to be sick because of normal causes. In that knowledge, he recorded every one of his observances of his patients and thei r sicknesses, taking cautious note of the real side effects and their movement. Depicted in his works, Hippocrates referenced red fever-like indications, 2 those that correspond to the substance eating microscopic organisms presently known as streptococcus pyogenes. Due to Hippocrates’ goes about as a pioneer in the clinical field, these narratives are the principal chronicles we have of the presence of the microscopic organisms. Hundreds of years after the fact, another man started to plot all the more altogether the highlights and side effects of a few burdens. Theodor Billroth, a Viennese specialist portrayed streptococci, staphylococci, diplococci, and even bars found in discharge as interims respected in a particular animal types: Coccobacteria septica (Breed). He examined the jobs of the microscopic organisms and weaved their beginning. Billroth saw explicit microscopic organisms in those with erysipelas; he named the microbes streptococcus from the two Greek words strepto meaning a chain shaped of connections, and coccus importance berry.

How to Teach Writing for Different Learning Styles

How to Teach Writing for Different Learning Styles (0) In high school, I was one of the lucky ones: a visual learner. To this day, I prefer to sit down and read an article as opposed to listening to a podcast. Many of my classmates were not so fortunate. In many cases they slipped through the cracks, missing out on valuable knowledge and skills because their learning styles weren’t addressed. It wasn’t until I started my teacher education program that I realized the importance of teaching to different learning styles. Sure, there are skeptics who claim that “in the real world” you won’t be given an audiobook of your job training manual. But I believe that helping students recognize their learning styles, and using strategies that address them, will help them later in life. (Of course, this must be done while simultaneously encouraging students to exercise and strengthen their weaker skills.) At the beginning of the year, my students write an essay in class so that I can assess the gaps in their writing skills. This year, I determined that my students needed to work on the first lines of their essays: the hooks. Before writing the first take-home essay of the year, we spent a class period looking up types of hooks with examples. Students wrote examples of their own for each type of hook (striking statistic, anecdote, vivid comparison, etc.) so that they they would have a collection of possibilities when it came time to start their essays. The mini hook posters they created that day are still hanging on a wall in my classroom so that any time the students need help writing a hook, they can reference them. I also post resources on Google Classroom so that if a student is working on an essay at midnight and can’t remember something from class, they have access to the materials, even if they lost the papers I gave them. Some teachers would consider this “babying,” but my priority is demystifying content area knowledge and skillsâ€"not forcing students to learn in a certain way. (Having spent many a late night writing essays myself, I also understand that sometimes, this is simply reality.) For both timed writings and take-home essays, students need a variety of strategies because no two students learn the same way. Some students can look at a rubric and understand what is expected, but many need examples. Sometimes even phrasing requirements differently can help. The SPED teacher at my school recently shared the document she uses to break down essay expectations sentence by sentence by phrasing each requirement as a question. For example, instead of, “Must use a sentence to introduce a quote,” the requirement is phrased: “This sentence answers the questions ‘Who said this?’, ‘When did they say it?’, and/or ‘Who did they say it to?’” I gave that handout to all of my students because it’s one more way to provide an explanation that might click with some. In most of my classes I read rubrics out loud because some students see that page full of words, can’t process it, and give up. Hearing the requirements out loud sinks in. Practical learners may not comprehend requirements by reading or hearing them but need to use the rubric in context for it to make sense. For this reason, I don’t grade first drafts until after they have been peer reviewed (except for timed writings). I grade peer reviews to ensure students are really thinking about each part of the rubric when they assess their peers. If a student gives her peer a 5/5 on the hook, when there is no hook, she either did not understand what a hook is or did not really check her peer’s introduction. This holds students accountable for understanding the rubric while they still have time to make changes to their essays. To me, one of the most important aspects of teaching is variety, not only in teaching strategies but also in assessment types. This is especially true in English class because there are so many different ways to be a skilled writer and reader, none more objectively valid than another. A creative writer is not more talented than an analytical writer. It’s important to value and work on all the skills that fall under the blanket of English class, and find ways to help students improve their writing through the strengths they already have. For example, one of my students who has trouble writing academic papers recently wrote and delivered an impassioned speech about patriotism. He made a strong argument and even used some of the writing techniques we practicedâ€"skills that we can now work on transferring to persuasive written work. Using different teaching styles and assessments not only enables students to learn more, it also helps them develop confidence in their abilities rather than just giving up. â€" Chicago Manual of Style, MLA style, or APA style. Share the free and easy-to-use EasyBib citation generator with your students!  

Esperar Conjugation in Spanish, Translation, and Examples

Esperar is a common Spanish verb that can mean to hope for, to wait, and to expect. You can figure out which meaning is intended by looking at the context, sentence structure, and whether esperar is followed by a verb in the subjunctive mood. This article explains some of the different uses of esperar in Spanish, as well as esperar conjugations in the present, past, conditional, and future indicative, the present and past subjunctive, the imperative, and other verb forms. Four Ways of Using the Verb Esperar 'Esperar Que'  Followed by a Verb The phrase esperar que is typically followed by a verb. If that verb is in the subjunctive mood, esperar can often be understood to mean hope, while if that verb is in the indicative mood, it usually can be understood to mean expect. The use of the indicative mood suggests some degree of certainty, while the subjunctive mood indicates desire. The use of the subjunctive following esperar que is far more common. Also, the following phrases are common:  ¡Espero que sà ­! (I hope so!) ¡Espero que no! (I hope not!) To Wait or To Wait For This is one of the most common meanings of esperar, as seen in the following examples: Por favor espera aquà ­ por un momento. (Please wait here for a moment.)Bajaron al andà ©n y esperaron el tren. (They stepped down to the platform and waited for the train.)Esperamos la llegada de la policà ­a federal. (We are waiting for the arrival of the federal police.) 'To Expect' This is another common meaning that is determined by the context: El amor llega cuando uno menos lo espera. (Love comes when you least expect it.)Para el 2028 esperamos la llegada de unos 406 mil turistas. (For 2028 we are expecting the arrival of some 406,000 tourists. Note how in some contexts hope for could be a suitable translation.) The phrase estar esperando can be used in the same way as the English to be expecting when referring to pregnancy: Carme Chacà ³n confirma que el bebà © que està ¡ esperando es un nià ±o. (Carme Chacon confirms that the baby she is expecting is a boy.) Using Esperar  Like Gustar Esperar is sometimes used in a sentence with inverted word order, like gustar and some other verbs. A better translation in such cases is await: Al dà ³lar le esperan tiempos peores. (Worse times await the dollar.)Me espera una vida nueva en algà ºn lugar del mundo.  (A new life awaits me somewhere in the world.) ¿Quà © avances tecnolà ³gicos nos esperan en el futuro? (What technological advancements await in the future? Present Indicative Esperar is conjugated in the same way as other regular -ar verbs. Yo espero Yo espero el autobà ºs por la maà ±ana. I wait for the bus in the morning. Tà º esperas Tà º esperas a tu amigo en el aeropuerto. You wait for your friend at the airport. Usted/à ©l/ella espera Ella espera triunfar en la competencia. She hopes to succeed in the competition. Nosotros esperamos Nosotros esperamos verte pronto. We hope to see you soon. Vosotros esperà ¡is Vosotros esperà ¡is al bebà © para agosto. You expect the baby in August. Ustedes/ellos/ellas esperan Ellos esperan lluvia esta tarde. They expect rain this afternoon. Preterite Indicative The preterite tense is used to talk about events that happened in the past and have been completed. Yo esperà © Yo esperà © el autobà ºs por la maà ±ana. I waited for the bus in the morning. Tà º esperaste Tà º esperaste a tu amigo en el aeropuerto. You waited for your friend at the airport. Usted/à ©l/ella esperà ³ Ella esperà ³ triunfar en la competencia. She hoped to succeed in the competition. Nosotros esperamos Nosotros esperamos verte pronto. We hoped to see you soon. Vosotros esperasteis Vosotros esperasteis al bebà © para agosto. You expected the baby in August. Ustedes/ellos/ellas esperaron Ellos esperaron lluvia esta tarde. They expected rain this afternoon. Imperfect Indicative The imperfect tense is used to talk about actions in the past that were ongoing or repeated, and it can be translated to English as was waiting or used to wait. Yo esperaba Yo esperaba el autobà ºs por la maà ±ana. I used to wait for the bus in the morning. Tà º esperabas Tà º esperabas a tu amigo en el aeropuerto. You used to wait for your friend at the airport. Usted/à ©l/ella esperaba Ella esperaba triunfar en la competencia. She was hopingto succeed in the competition. Nosotros esperà ¡bamos Nosotros esperà ¡bamos verte pronto. We were hopingto see you soon. Vosotros esperabais Vosotros esperabais al bebà © para agosto. You were expecting the baby in August. Ustedes/ellos/ellas esperaban Ellos esperaban lluvia esta tarde. They were expecting rain this afternoon. Future Indicative Yo esperarà © Yo esperarà © el autobà ºs por la maà ±ana. I will wait for the bus in the morning. Tà º esperarà ¡s Tà º esperarà ¡s a tu amigo en el aeropuerto. You will wait for your friend at the airport. Usted/à ©l/ella esperarà ¡ Ella esperarà ¡ triunfar en la competencia. She will hopeto succeed in the competition. Nosotros esperaremos Nosotros esperaremos verte pronto. We will hopeto see you soon. Vosotros esperarà ©is Vosotros esperarà ©is al bebà © para agosto. You will expect the baby in August. Ustedes/ellos/ellas esperarà ¡n Ellos esperarà ¡n lluvia esta tarde. They will expect rain this afternoon. Periphrastic  Future Indicative   The periphrastic future is sometimes called the near future and is translated to English as going to verb. Yo voy a esperar Yo voya esperar el autobà ºs por la maà ±ana. I am going to wait for the bus in the morning. Tà º vasa esperar Tà º vasa esperar a tu amigo en el aeropuerto. You aregoing to wait for your friend at the airport. Usted/à ©l/ella va a esperar Ella vaa esperar triunfar en la competencia. She isgoing to hopeto succeed in the competition. Nosotros vamosa esperar Nosotros vamosa esperar verte pronto. We aregoing to hopeto see you soon. Vosotros vaisa esperar Vosotros vaisa esperaral bebà © para agosto. You aregoing to expect the baby for August. Ustedes/ellos/ellas vana esperar Ellos vana esperar lluvia esta tarde. They aregoing to expect rain this afternoon. Present Progressive/Gerund Form The verb form that ends in -ing in English is called the gerund or present participle in Spanish. It is often used to form progressive tenses like the present progressive. Present Progressive ofEsperar està ¡ esperando Ella està ¡ esperando triunfar en la competencia. She is expecting to succeed in the competition. Past Participle In Spanish, the past participle usually ends in -ado or -ido, and is used to form perfect tenses like the present perfect. Present Perfect of Esperar ha esperado Ella ha esperado triunfar en la competencia. She has expected to succeed in the competition. Esperar Conditional Indicative The conditional tense is used to talk about possibilities, and is usually translated to English as would verb. Yo esperarà ­a Yo esperarà ­a el autobà ºs por la maà ±ana si me despertara temprano. I would wait for the bus in the morning if I were to wake up early . Tà º esperarà ­as Tà º esperarà ­as a tu amigo en el aeropuerto si te viniera a visitar. You would wait for your friend at the airport if he came to visit you. Usted/à ©l/ella esperarà ­a Ella esperarà ­a triunfar en la competencia, pero no es optimista. She would hopeto succeed in the competition, but she is not optimistic. Nosotros esperarà ­amos Nosotros esperarà ­amos verte pronto, pero sabemos que es complicado. We would hopeto see you soon, but we know it is complicated. Vosotros esperarà ­ais Vosotros esperarà ­ais al bebà © para agosto si lo dijera el doctor. You would expect the baby in August if the doctor said so. Ustedes/ellos/ellas esperarà ­an Ellos esperarà ­an lluvia esta tarde si el pronà ³stico lo indicara. They would expect rain this afternoon if the forecast were to indicate it. Esperar Present Subjunctive Que yo espere Mi madre sugiere que yo espere el autobà ºs por la maà ±ana. My mother suggests that I wait for the bus in the morning. Que tà º esperes Marta pide que tà º esperes a tu amigo en el aeropuerto. Marta asks that you wait for your friend at the airport. Que usted/à ©l/ella espere El entrenador recomienda que ella espere triunfar en la competencia. The coach recommends that she hope to succeed in the competition. Que nosotros esperemos Erica desea que nosotros esperemos verte pronto. Erica wishes that we hope to see you soon. Que vosotros esperà ©is El mà ©dico recomienda que vosotros esperà ©is al bebà © para agosto. The doctor recommends that you expect the baby in August. Que ustedes/ellos/ellas esperen El meteorà ³logo sugiere que ellos esperen lluvia esta tarde. The meteorologist suggests that they expect rain this afternoon. Esperar Imperfect Subjunctive There are two different ways for conjugating the imperfect subjunctive. The first option below is more common. Option 1 Que yo esperara Mi madre sugerà ­a que yo esperara el autobà ºs por la maà ±ana. My mother suggested that I wait for the bus in the morning. Que tà º esperaras Marta pidià ³ que tà º esperaras a tu amigo en el aeropuerto. Marta asked that you wait for your friend at the airport. Que usted/à ©l/ella esperara El entrenador recomendaba que ella esperara triunfar en la competencia. The coach recommended that she hope to succeed in the competition. Que nosotros esperà ¡ramos Erica deseaba que nosotros esperà ¡ramos verte pronto. Erica wished that we hope to see you soon. Que vosotros esperarais El mà ©dico recomendà ³ que vosotros esperarais al bebà © para agosto. The doctor recommended that you expect the baby in August. Que ustedes/ellos/ellas esperaran El meteorà ³logo sugirià ³ que ellos esperaran lluvia esta tarde. The meteorologist suggested that they expect rain this afternoon. Option 2 Que yo esperase Mi madre sugerà ­a que yo esperase el autobà ºs por la maà ±ana. My mother suggested that I wait for the bus in the morning. Que tà º esperases Marta pidià ³ que tà º esperases a tu amigo en el aeropuerto. Marta asked that you wait for your friend at the airport. Que usted/à ©l/ella esperase El entrenador recomendaba que ella esperase triunfar en la competencia. The coach recommended that she hope to succeed in the competition. Que nosotros esperà ¡semos Erica deseaba que nosotros esperà ¡semos verte pronto. Erica wished that we hope to see you soon. Que vosotros esperaseis El mà ©dico recomendà ³ que vosotros esperaseis al bebà © para agosto. The doctor recommended that you expect the baby in August. Que ustedes/ellos/ellas esperasen El meteorà ³logo sugirià ³ que ellos esperasen lluvia esta tarde. The meteorologist suggested that they expect rain this afternoon. Esperar Imperative The imperative mood is used to give commands, and it has both positive and negative forms. Positive Commands Tà º espera  ¡Espera a tu amigo en el aeropuerto! Wait for your friend at the airport! Usted espere  ¡Espere triunfar en la competencia! Hope to succeed in the competition! Nosotros esperemos  ¡Esperemos verte pronto! Let's hope to see you soon! Vosotros esperad  ¡Esperad al bebà © para agosto! Expect the baby in August! Ustedes esperen  ¡Esperen lluvia esta tarde! Expect rain this afternoon! Negative Commands Tà º no esperes  ¡No esperes a tu amigo en el aeropuerto! Don't wait for your friend at the airport! Usted no espere  ¡No espere triunfar en la competencia! Don't hope to succeed in the competition! Nosotros no esperemos  ¡No esperemos verte pronto! Let's not hope to see you soon! Vosotros no esperà ©is  ¡No esperà ©is al bebà © para agosto! Don't expect the baby in August! Ustedes no esperen  ¡No esperen lluvia esta tarde! Don't expect rain this afternoon!

Essay Topics for Fall of the House of Usher Ideas

Essay Topics for Fall of the House of Usher Ideas Understanding Essay Topics for Fall of the House of Usher The narrator makes the decision to read to Roderick as a way to pass the night away. He could be a result of a childhood trauma, resulting in usher having multiple personality disorder. One night, he cannot sleep either. He is actually the boyhood friend who comes to visit Roderick. The second is as soon as the narrator notices a fissure running down the center of the house itself. Thus, the very first film in the Poe cycle manages to be among the best. Ultimately, we can think about the house itself a character within this story. Roderick Usher in particular has certain qualities that are extraordinarily interesting and cause you to want to learn more about him. Like Roderick, he's become crazy. Roderick Usher's mansion is 1 case of this. What are you able to do in house, what can you should outsource. He cleans the ground, and he's careful about not living a drop of blood on the ground. He yells that she's standing behind the door. Together with the swampy pool, the outside of the house also plays a symbolic part within this story. New Ideas Into Essay Topics for Fall of the House of Usher Never Before Revealed As a Life Coach I understand the worth of having clear targets, focusing on what you wish to become out of life. This isn't an instance of the work generated by our Essay Writing Service. Simple pursuits that allow for communication and excellent time will often strengthen a marriage. That makes it feasible for the story to happen in a wide variety of settings. It's just employing a Cognitive Map. The most apparent quality that makes you need to learn more about him, nevertheless, is his mental state. The irony is that lots of the pricey marketing and advertising plans wind up on a shelf and rarely get implemented. Inside my opinion, there are lots of unique forces on the job in the Earth, and we're interacting with millions of different men and women who are all working with those forces in various ways. Since problems at home can impact an individual's attitude on the job, keeping up a joyful home environment is vital to success on the job. Taking a picnic is a fantastic approach to bond for a family members and to catch up on the new events in every single family member's lives. We spend a great chunk of our school day within this room. While it's important to devote time for a family, it's equally, if not more, important to devote time for a couple. The close of the day can be tiring and weekends are usually reserved for chores that aren't done during the week. And it's the one thing that matters! To put it differently, the 1 thing he wished to get rid of comes back and puts a stop to his already fragile mind. The terrible news is that works in a negative way and a positive. The fantastic news, on the flip side, is that you may change your thought patterns, and you're able to learn how to concentrate on the great things that you would like to attract. It's a timeless Gothic story that's extremely intriguing and intriguing all the way through. Their home is falling apart and this man has come to attempt to repair it, but this is not what happens. The narrator finds the inside of the home equally as spooky as the outside. Another central theme concerning this story is the essence of the folks that live in the home. The idea of new and old money is hard for the typical modern reader to comprehend. For instance, my son knows he is not going to receive any of his electronics until after school. Another example of the way that they may be the identical person is by way of their emotional heartsickness. Making a mistake or two isn't the issue making a good deal of them is! These descriptions do not provide a collection of a typical human being. This is true with the majority of instances. The thematic dilemma of death is observed in a number of incidences. It's also a psychological foundation for the horror.

Women Safety in Urban Public Spaces Free Essays

string(54) " developed their ain manner to undertake this fright\." Womans Safety in Urban Public Spaces Abstractions: â€Å" It feels really uncomfortable to walk past that route at that clip. † These are the words we frequently hear from many people, particularly adult females. Bing designers and urban contrivers do we hold any function to play in undertaking this issue? It is the right of every person to experience safe and entree every infinite. We will write a custom essay sample on Women Safety in Urban Public Spaces or any similar topic only for you Order Now Women, most of the clip experience fright in public infinites and male dominated infinite. This paper aims to understand the cardinal grounds that contribute to do a infinite insecure and note peoples position of this job. Secluded or dead edifices, secluded infinites, heavy flora, hapless substructure and lighting and improper care most of the clip consequence in infinites which would be perceived as fearful. On the other manus, the societal construction is frequently extended into the infinites. A particular instance of Nagarjuna Nagar in Vijayawada has been studied to associate and take note of the perceptual experiences of people. The consequences from this study has been compared to many theories that have been developed over clip by celebrated geographers and urban contrivers and interior decorators and sociologists. Cardinal Wordss:Fear, safe infinites, adult females and spacial constellation, urban safety Introduction: â€Å" Sexual torment at public topographic points is unwelcome, unasked behavior of a sexual nature including staring, gesticulating, touching, go throughing remarks, draging. These may non look to be a large job, but they can be rather disconcerting. It makes adult females experience ashamed, humiliated or frightened. † ( Vijayawada Police ) What is an insecure infinite? In existent universe, it is a construct developed by people over clip. When a individual refers to a infinite as insecure, he arrived at the sentiment due to their expericence in such infinites or bad lucks encountered by other people in such infinites. Research in peculiar suggests three factors that mediate the impact of different beginnings of fright information: memorability, affectivity and informativeness( Tyler and Rasinski, 1984 ) . Fear beginnings which give a clear image of where the offense took topographic point, on whom, by whom etc.. create a graphic image of environments of fear.Information about onslaughts which relate to adult females ‘s ain life style ( geographically and socially ) have a stronger impact on their images of danger as they are easy able to conceive of the same thing go oning to themselves( Gill Valentine ; Images of Danger: Women ‘s Beginnings of Information about the Spatial Distribution of Male Violence ) . Safety or fright of offense in any infinite is non merely limited to adult females. The psycological impact that fright dramas in the mobility form of adult females should be considered as an facet in design. â€Å"Although feeling unsafe is non confined to adult females, the fright that adult females feel in urban countries is rather peculiar. It is to make with physical and psychological honor†¦ Although non all adult females have been raped or attacked, all have felt at some point that indefinable feeling of malaise which ranges from simply experiencing uncomfortable to paralysis† .( Samaoun, 2000: 29 ) The fright that adult females develop over infinites restrict them to entree a infinite. Women ‘s fright of danger in a public infinite in high compared to a private infinite while the statics show up an wholly contrastive image. Surveys show that adult females tend to fear offense more than work forces do but are less exposed to offense than work forces( Tiby, E. 1991 ). The chief beginning of adult females ‘s fright is the fright of an extra crime- a sexual onslaught besides robbery or burglary( Carina Listerborn ; Women ‘s Fear A ; Spatial Configurations ) . AsDoreen Masseygenuinely argues inFor Spacethat our societal dealingss are being extended into the physical environment and therefore spacial dealingss are political. This in a manner adds to the full scene. It can be found that India being a patriarchal society, reflects this construction and beliefs in the reinforced environment. When a miss reaches 15 old ages, limitation would be laid on her communal form, where as a male child of same age is allowed to entree any infinite at any hr of the twenty-four hours. We need to understand how strong the physical environment is, in determining the lives of people. They are non given the benefit to lounge unlike work forces and alternatively forced to restrict herself to the domestic sphere alternatively of reshaping the public infinites to do her feel safe.( Shall We Go Out? Women ‘s Safety in Public Spaces in Delhi ; Kalpana Viswanath, Surabhi Tandon Mehrotra) . Womans are encouraged to transport out Piper nigrum sprays and larn self- defense mechanism fast ones instead than seeking to work out the corporate societal issue. People’s voices should be given extreme value and a advisory procedure should ensue into a solution. Merely so can adult females entree the full rights of being an urban citizen( Shall We Go Out: Women ‘s Safety in Public Spaces ) . Carina Listerborn in Women ‘s Fear A ; Space Configurationsjustly inquiries â€Å" how democratic and justified is it to experience insecure in a infinite which is an of import facet of quality of societal life? † In this context, there is a demand to cognize about the significance of a public infinite in an urban context. Public infinites play a important function in judging the quality of an metropolis. As pointed out justlyby Kalpana Viswanath, Surabhi Tadon Mehrotra in Shall We Go Out: Women ‘s Safety in Public Spaces in Delhi, the quality of a metropolis has to be judged by what it offers to its residents- the right to populate, travel about and work with self-respect and safety. It outlines that the public infinite offers infinite and freedom to get away the holds and emphasis of a household or community. But, many it a clip its left unnoticed that the societal life a public infinite offers are frequently profoundly gendered both in handiness and right. As this job is really less bothered about, adult females have developed their ain manner to undertake this fright. You read "Women Safety in Urban Public Spaces" in category "Essay examples" The present twenty-four hours layout of metropoliss leave people in a convulsion, most frequently, instead to take a safer path or a shorter path. This indicates the significance to discourse the spacial constellations. The infinite sentence structure which builds a relation between societal dimension and the reinforced environment takes a cardinal function in judging the grade of safety in a infinite. This plays a principle function in bar of offense and undertaking fright while accessing a infinite. Carina Listerbornlineations three constructs earlier introduced byBill HillierinSpace is the Machineto analyze fright and infinite constellations dealingss. She voices that fright rises with a. ) Urban emptiness- which is related to the construct of practical community and urbanity and is measured by the average integrating value. â€Å" Crime includes a broad field, from burglary to street- force, and dressed ores on an object or state of affairs. In contrast, fright is related to how you experience and interpret the environment. Urban emptiness is an of import facet in both the instances. † ( Carina Listerborn ) B. ) The deficiency of intelligibility- subsidiary travel paths makes one feel insecure. c. ) Lack of visibility- Smaller ocular cone increases the fright of being attacked. Bill Hillier in Space is the Machine defines the practical community as the form of natural co-presence brought approximately through the influence of spacial design on motion and other related facets of infinite usage. He besides adds that a wrongly designed infinite does non accomplish the natural forms of societal co-presence ensuing in an empty infinite which kindles fright. Urbanity, he argues is about clip and infinite A ; its grade could be measured by numbering the figure of people transposing through a distance of 100m per minute. If there is less than two people beside you within 100m it is the lower bound of urbanity and the lower degree of human creativeness are 8-10 work/100m distance of street. ( Gronlund, B. 1998 ) Fear is linked to the grade of emptiness and thereby likely to the grade of integrating which depends on the spacial construction. Research workers have shown different grade of integrating values by comparing the tree-system with grid system.( Klarqvist, B. 1997 ) An apprehensible system is one in which well-connected infinites besides tend to be well- incorporate infinites. An unintelligible system is one where good connected infinites are non good incorporate, so what we can see of their connexions misleads us about the position of that infinites in the system as a whole.( Hillier, B. 1996 ) Isovist in relation to intelligibility is important to understand the immediate environment through visibleness. It helps to cipher what is behind the corner or the shrubs in instance of fright but it is non reliable ever as its terminals are non clear. Physical and societal facets of a topographic point contribute to the experience of fright. Fear can be caused both by the presence and absence of people and people have developed assorted schemes to get by with it.( Carina Listerborn ) In the present twenty-four hours context of India, adult females are required to work out-of-doorss, travel long distances to make workplaces and now that population is dismaying, mass lodgings are shooting up. Harmonizing to thePopulation Census 2011, 53 metropoliss are identified as population over 10 Lakh, and referred to as Mega Cities. A sum of 36,622 instances of offenses against adult females were reported from these mega metropoliss in 2012 where as 33,789 instances were reported in 2011.The rate of offense was 47.8 times higher compared to the national rate of 41.7.Among 53 metropoliss, Delhi has accounted for 14.2 % followed by Bangalore ( 6.2 % ) , Kolkata ( 5.7 % ) , Hyderabad ( 5.2 % ) and Vijayawada ( 5.2 % ) .Vijayawada has reported 16.6 % incidences of abuse to the modestness of adult females. Though Indian Penal Code identifies the undermentioned as punishable offenses against adult females which are the root causes for adult females ‘s restricted mobility, the construct of fright and insecure infinites that adult females are stuck with dramas a important function. CRIMES AGAINST WOMEN: Kidnaping and abduction for specified intents Rape Homicide for dowery, dowry deceases or their efforts Torture- both mental and physical Assault on adult females with purpose to shock her modestness Abuse to the modestness of adult females Importing of miss from foreign state ( upto 21yrs of age ) EXISTING MODELS OF GENDER CONSCIOUS Planning: There are already bing theoretical accounts of gender witting planning to react to the women’s fright of force. They are: Broken Windows:This focuses on the zero- tolerance to offense, closed circuit telecastings and an exclusionary attack to making safer infinites. ( Mitchell, 2003 ) Safer Communities Model:It has a foresight to do public infinites safer through activities, land usage, societal mix and affecting users in planing schemes and enterprises for safer public infinites. SPACES WHERE WOMEN FEEL UNSAFE: The sorts of topographic points that are most feared include Parkss, green unfastened infinites, beaches, parking areas/garages, tunnels, metros, back-streets, stepss, isolated coach Michigans, industrial countries and dark empty parts of the metropolis like shopping countries or vicinities at dark.( Women ‘s Fear A ; Spatial Configuration ; Carina Listerborn ) It is found from a study by an NGO – Jagori in New Delhi, that adult females feel uncomfortable in male dominated infinites such as coffin nail stores, dhabas, cab bases, certain street corners and certain Parkss. Womans were loath to utilize these infinites and frequently accompanied by work forces to dhabas and tea corners.( Shall We Go Out: Women ‘s Safety in Public Spaces ) Parks were identified as the public infinites adult females enjoy the most during a twenty-four hours with childs or equals while see it extremely insecure after dark. The low boundaries, dark midst green infinites and absence of locking systems add to the fright in Parkss. Metros, which take a outstanding function in the context of Delhi are turning insecure due to miss of proper lighting, improperly defined entry and issue points, deficiency of signage, absence of guards which lead to the diminution in the users of these metros. The findings of the audits reflect that the presence of sellers add to the safety of a infinite and adult females feel it comfy and familiar. Street visible radiations are frequently placed in the center of the route and the coach Michigans and pavings are non decently lit with visible radiations of their ain, increasing the hazard of adult females utilizing it after dark. Public lavatories have besides been marked as danger for adult females where many instances were reported of offenses and torments. THE CASE OF VIJAYAWADA: Public and Semi public utilizations: These classs of land include all the Government offices, Municipal offices, offices of other local governments and other public establishments like temples, churches, mosques, and the similar. The metropolis provides public and semi public public-service corporations and installations all covering about 270 hour angle of land accounting for 7 % of the developed country. Large public public-service corporation constitutions are found in ward 15 ( 54 hour angle ) , ward 10 ( 49 hour angle ) , ward 24 ( 36 hour angle ) , ward 25 ( 26 hour angle ) and ward 8 ( 22 hour angle ) . In footings of proportions, ward 15 histories for one 4th of its country under public and semi public utilizations, following being ward 24 with 19 % followed by ward 10 % ( 16 % ) . Most of the country along Mahatma Gandhi route in wards 10, countries environing NTR Health University, and countries near Gunadala hill in ward 24 are put to public and semi public utilizations. RESEARCH Question: What are the grounds that public infinites are insecure for adult females to the extent that they control their mobility form? Methodology: To analyse the research objectives, an onsite site survey was conducted in Nagarjuna Nagar chief route in Vijayawada in the month of October 2014. Setting: Nagarjuna Nagar is an country in Vijayawada metropolis which is 2.4km from Benz Circle, a cardinal junction in the metropolis which is the point of convergence of NH-5 running from Chennai to Kolkata and NH-9 which leads to Machilipatnam, a circle that attracts heavy traffic and circle for Educational Institutes. The authorities infirmary junction is the nearest junction and this country and is 140m off. There is a NTR Health University and Government Hospital and Siddartha Medical College on the side antonym to the main road. Another route in the locality leads to Autonagar. Nagarjuna Nagar in peculiar grew up as a residential settlement from the clip of its initial development. Subsequently, the NH5 frontage is developing to run into the commercial demands of people and hence the activities and edifices uses in this country are effected. The survey stretch way has been observed to hold deficiency of sellers most of the clip. Design: To gain the independent factors that consequence the factor of safety of adult females, a stretch of route, from A to B has been picked up in this country and has been surveyed. This country has comparatively really low offense rates, but so the choice of this country was based on the experience of most of them who traverse this route. Two points A and B have been marked in the map, where A base near the NH5 frontage and B ends at a edifice which is presently being used as a girls inn. This stretch of route has been divided into zones to cognize the experiences in single infinites and the grounds behind that. The full stretch of route has a assorted usage of buildings- residential, commercial and park. Few packages of the land has been left as waste land with overgrown trees. The factors that people think do difference to the personal safety of adult females was measured by a questionnaire that contained the followers: In each of the zone, what do you believe are the grounds that consequence the safety factor? Poor Lighting Peoples sing other edifices Peoples populating in the neighbouring edifices Dense Tree Plantations Lack of People/Activity/Vendors Waste/Barren Land Poor Maintenance of the Space Height of Buildings curtailing position to the other roads No neighbouring buildings/Secluded edifices Participants AND Procedure: The field survey was carried out in the country in October 2014. The sample consisted of 70 members ( 12 male and 58 female ) , runing in age from 15 to 60, where most of them fall in the class of 15-30 old ages. They were briefed about the survey and its focal point. The interviewers had a map of the country of survey and the pronounced paths and the edifices adjacent to the survey way. The way is 400m long and were asked to reply the inquiries based on their experiences till day of the month. The start and terminal point was same for all the 70 participants, but positions from A study questionnaire has been prepared and 65 members have been asked to reply that based on their experience and some general inquiries have even been asked to understand the person ‘s thought procedure. The undermentioned figure depicts a map of the survey way with single zones of survey marked and each of the edifice typologies have besides been specified to assist the interviewers recollect the infinite and their experience. The 70 participants had to reply a standardised questionnaire at each of the pronounced zone to mensurate the sensed danger. This survey is focused to understand the impact of specific physical factors and personal factors. DISCUSSION/CONCLUSION: Gill Valentine in his publications outlines that it is fear which people develop that restrict the motion form where as Doreen Massey argues that most frequently our societal dealingss are being extended into infinites and thereby regulates the mobility of people. Bill Hillier, on the other manus, negotiations about integrating of infinites as a cardinal factor that influences the safety aspects in a infinite. He adds that infinites may be good connected but non good integrated. Consequences of a study conducted by an NGO – Jagori in few parts of Delhi reflects that hapless substructure installations, hapless or no lighting, absence of people/low denseness infinites and infinites next to dense flora are perceived by adult females as insecure. The consequences besides showcase the fact that adult females preferred streets with batch of activity than a tract which is good built and maintained but doesnt have any activity go oning about. The same consequence was obtained for a study conducted by Shilpa Ranade, Shilpa Phadke and Sameera Khan. On the impudent side, Carina Listerborn states that urban emptiness, deficiency of intelligibility and deficiency of visibleness are the straight relative to that a individual experiences in a infinite. Mentions: Anke Blobaum A ; Marcel Hunecke, July 2005 ; Perceived Danger in Urban Public Space: The Impacts of Physical Features and Personal Factors ; Environment and Behaviour, Vol 37 No. 4 Gill Valentine ; Women ‘s Fear A ; The Design of Public Space. Laura Hengehold ; 2011 ; When Safety Becomes a Duty: Gender, Loneliness and Citizenship for Urban Women ; WSQ: Women ‘s Studies Quarterly 39 Rachel H Pain ; December 1995 ; Social Geographies of Women ‘s Fear of Crime ; Gill Valentine ; Department of Geography ; Images of Danger: Women ‘s Beginnings of Information about the Spatial Distribution of Male Violence Jennifer K. Wesely and Emily Gaarder ; October 2004 ; The Gendered Nature of the Urban Outdoorss: Womans Negociating Fear of Violence ; Gender and Society, Vol 18 No 5 Stephanle Condon, Marylene Lieber A ; Florence Maillochon ; September 2007 ; Feeling Unsafe in Public Places: Understanding Women ‘s Fears ; Carina Listerborn ; 1999 ; Women ; s Fear and Space Configurations ; Space Syntax Second International Symposium ; Brasilia. How to cite Women Safety in Urban Public Spaces, Essay examples

Moral Accountability Essays - Social Philosophy, Philosophy Of Life

Moral Accountability Morality depends on the ability of an individual to choose between good and evil, thus, entailing freedom of the will and the moral responsibility of the individual for his actions. It is obvious this is so for the individual, but what about groups and governments? Do they have the ability to choose between good and evil, do they have free will and therefore are they subject to the same paradigms of morality as the individual or does an autonomous morality apply. What if we relate this concept of morality to a present day moral dilemma? Such as should the United States government fire cruise missiles at Serbian cities in order to force the government of Serbia to comply with NATO demands of withdrawal from Kosovo? What moral questions should be asked? Further yet, as we are members of a representative democracy, do the citizens bear any of the responsibility of the government's actions? Am I responsible for the government I choose? Being that it is the actions of a governments we wish to question the morality of, we must know what the present justification for or against the launch of cruise missiles at Serbia and what the consequences of that decision would be. It can be conjectured that the "official rational" of the United States government in its decision to use cruise missiles on Serbia is based on cost/benefit analysis of what would be in the best interest of the nation and the world?a utilitarian morality. The Serbian government has invaded and seeks to undermine the sovereignty of Kosovo while using genocidal tactics to control the population. The US is acting on what it believes to be the greatest good for the greatest number. But who is the government to place a market value on human life? Is it moral and does the government have the right to place such a value on human life? And who is responsible for their decision? The official utilitarian rationale of the United States government does place a market value on human life Kant writes: "Now morality is the condition under which alone a rational being can be an end in himself, for only thereby can he be a legislating member in the kingdom of ends", survival of the individual in a group is the end. If we are to treat men otherwise, as a means to an end, we must make that a categorical imperative and we must treat it as if that action will be a universal law of nature laws to live by). Hence, to do harm to others, to place a market value on man, would be immoral since it would harm humanity. Likewise, it is immoral for the United States to sacrifice ten thousand lives in hope of saving more. It must be asked "what if everyone sacrificed ten thousand lives?". According to Kant's theory of the Universal law, "We must be able to will that a maxim of our action become universal law, this is the canon for morally estimating any of our actions" (Kant). Perhaps it is a touch ironic that the very document the US was founded on reads: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." This, like Kant's moral philosophy of "universal maxims," proclaims that man has intrinsic absolute value. Yet, so quickly are we ready to disregard this declaration as our cost benefit analysis dictates. Slavery was abolished on the principle of the absolute value of man. Why should we disregard this now? Do we suspend the unalienable rights to life whenever it would be most prudent? The United States must ask itself whether it wishes to make a maxim of placing value on human life. It must be remembered that by lowering the value of life of others, we at the same time lower our own value. Governments and institutions are composed of a completely different dynamic than that of the individual. This leaves man curious as to whether to obey the same set of morals. These moral issues lead to the question of whether or not a man is responsible for what his government does. I am inclined to believe that either philosopher would not think that the individual is fully responsible for the actions of his government so long as they do not participate in the government's decision-making process. It is possible to argue that, if all individuals

Pds in India Essay Example

Pds in India Essay Example Pds in India Essay Pds in India Essay Research Paper No. 2006/98 The Public Distribution Systems of Foodgrains and Implications for Food Security A Comparison of the Experiences of India and China Zhang-Yue Zhou1 and Guanghua Wan2 September 2006 Abstract A comparative study of the public distribution systems of foodgrains in India and China is expected to reveal lessons and experiences that are valuable to policymakers. This is particularly important for developing countries in their endeavour to ensure food security. This paper undertakes such an exercise. The main features and developments of the two public distribution systems are first highlighted. This is followed by a comparative analysis of their similarities and differences. The role of public foodgrain distribution systems in ensuring food security is then evaluated. Finally, policy implications are drawn. Keywords: public distribution system, food security, poverty, food subsidy, India, China JEL classification: I31, I38, Q11, Q18 Copyright  © UNU-WIDER 2006 1 School of Business, James Cook University, Australia email: zhangyue. [emailprotected] edu. au; 2 UNU-WIDER, Helsinki, email: [emailprotected] unu. edu This paper was prepared for the UNU-WIDER project on Hunger and Food Security: New Challenges and New Opportunities, directed by Basudeb Guha-Khasnobis. The project was carried out in collaboration with the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR) and the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). UNU-WIDER gratefully acknowledges the financial contributions to its research programme by the governments of Denmark (Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs), Finland (Ministry for Foreign Affairs), Norway (Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs), Sweden (Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency- Sida) and the United Kingdom (Department for International Development). ISSN 1810-2611 ISBN 92-9190-882-7 (internet version) Acknowledgements We wish to thank the participants at the Jaipur workshop for their comments on the paper. In particular, we wish to thank Dr Benjamin Davis of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and Professor S. S. Acharya of the Institute of Development Studies (Jaipur) for their constructive and helpful suggestions. Acronyms APL BPL FCI PDS (families) above poverty line (families) below poverty line Food Corporation of India public distribution system FAO Food and Agriculture Organization MSP minimum support price PL480 global food aid programme established by the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 1954 into law as US Public Law 480, commonly known as PL480 TPDS targeted public distribution system (of India) The World Institute for Development Economics Research (WIDER) was established by the United Nations University (UNU) as its first research and training centre and started work in Helsinki, Finland in 1985. The Institute undertakes applied research and policy analysis on structural changes affecting the developing and transitional economies, provides a forum for the advocacy of policies leading to robust, equitable and environmentally sustainable growth, and promotes capacity strengthening and training in the field of economic and social policy making. Work is carried out by staff researchers and visiting scholars in Helsinki and through networks of collaborating scholars and institutions around the world. www. wider. unu. edu [emailprotected] unu. edu UNU World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER) Katajanokanlaituri 6 B, 00160 Helsinki, Finland Camera-ready typescript prepared by Liisa Roponen at UNU-WIDER The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s). Publication does not imply endorsement by the Institute or the United Nations University, nor by the programme/project sponsors, of any of the views expressed. Introduction The issue of food security has been around for a long time and the right to adequate food and to be free from hunger have been repeatedly affirmed in a number of documents adopted by the United Nations (e. g. , the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in 1966, and the Rights of Child in 1989). Nev ertheless, by the early 1990s, there were still more than 800 million people, mostly in the developing countries, who did not have enough food to meet basic nutritional needs. This led the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) to assemble a World Food Summit in 1996, in which 194 countries took part and during which the Rome Declaration on World Food Security was drawn up. The World Food Summit called on the international community to cut the number of hungry people by half to about 400 million by 2015. However, the progress towards achieving the target, as reviewed in the World Food Summit: Five Years Later in June 2002, remained disappointingly slow (FAO 2002). According to FAO (2004: 6), in 200002, the number of undernourished people worldwide remained as high as 852 million, including 815 million in the developing countries. The number of people undernourished in India and China, the world’s two most populous countries, currently stands at 363 million (two-thirds are in India), accounting for 43 per cent of the world total (FAO 2004: 7). Sources of food insecurity for both countries, i. e. , huge population, limited agricultural resources, and unstable and unpredictable world markets, still prevail, presenting potential threats to national food security. Looking into their past practices, especially the access to food by the poor, may reveal valuable experiences and lessons. In this paper, we focus on the institution of the public distribution systems of food in these two countries and discuss how these systems have helped to improve food security. 2 Inception and evolution of the public distribution systems Adequately feeding the huge populations in India and China has been a challenge. At the time of independence of the Republic of India and the founding of the People’s Republic of China in the late 1940s, both countries ncountered severe shortage of food. Since then, governments have made considerable efforts to improve food production and great achievements have been made. In both countries, the supply and reach of food are more comfortable, famines rarely occur, and large foodgrain imports are not required. One of the important policy instruments is the use of the public distribution systems (PDSs). In this section, we hi ghlight how the PDSs are operated in each of the two countries. Due to significant reforms to the PDSs in both countries in the early 1990s, we present the PDSs in two stages: the period up to the early 1990s and the period since the early 1990s. 2. 1 The public distribution systems effective until the early 1990s India In India, foodgrain is distributed through a combination of private markets and the public distribution system (PDS). The origins of the PDS can be traced back to the Second World War period. Before the war, small deficits in foodgrain supply already existed 1 and were met from imports. When the war broke out, imports became difficult and grain prices rose sharply (Suryanarayana 1985: 20). To ensure an equitable distribution of food, ration was introduced in 1942, with supplies from domestic procurement and imports, and distribution through ration shops. From December 1947 the government reverted to decontrol. However, prices had increased steeply by July 1948 and control was re-introduced in September 1948. A new scheme of distribution, the fair-price shop system, was established to ensure low market prices through large supplies to the market. In 1965 the Food Corporation of India (FCI) was set up with the goal of handling grain procurement, distribution, and building a buffer stock. In the same year, the Agricultural Prices Commission (now Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices) was set up to advise the government on prices to be paid to farmers. Around 1967/68, the name fairprice shop scheme was changed to the public distribution system (PDS) but the role and organization of the system remained unchanged. The PDS is run jointly by central and state governments. While the responsibility of the central government (through FCI) is to procure, store and transport grains from purchase points to central godowns (warehouses) across the country, the responsibility of state governments is to transport these commodities from central godowns and distribute them to consumers through the network of fair-price shops. Fair-price shops are owned privately or cooperatively and make profits from the commission on sales. They are licensed by state governments and principally distribute food items (wheat, rice, sugar, and edible oil) to customers at fixed prices. A shop Table 1 Government subsidy on foodgrain consumption in India * Subsidy: Year 1976/77 1977/78 1978/79 1979/80 1980/81 1981/82 1982/83 1983/84 1994/85 1985/86 1986/87 1987/88 1988/89 1989/90 1990/91 Note: * Rs million US$ million % of GDP 4,773 4,801 5,694 6,000 6,500 7,000 7,110 8,350 11,010 16,500 20,000 20,000 22,000 24,760 24,500 544 586 698 761 749 738 703 735 892 1,310 1,545 1,438 1,357 1,415 1,078 0. 53 0. 47 0. 52 0. 50 0. 45 0. 42 0. 38 0. 38 0. 45 0. 59 0. 64 0. 56 0. 52 0. 51 0. 3 Year 1991/92 1992/93 1993/94 1994/95 1995/96 1996/97 1997/98 1998/99 1999/00 2000/01 2001/02 2002/03 2003/04 2004/05 Subsidy: Rs million US$ million % of GDP 28,500 28,000 55,370 51,000 53,770 60,660 75,000 87,000 92,000 120,100 174,940 241,760 251,600 277,460 1,013 896 1,764 1,572 1,514 1,668 1,815 2,018 2,044 2,543 3,598 5,189 5,557 6,372 0. 44 0. 37 0. 64 0. 50 0. 45 0. 44 0. 49 0. 50 0. 48 0. 57 0. 77 0. 98 n. a. n. a. Financial year, April-March, subsidies on foodgrain include sugar for some years. All are at current prices. Exchange rates obtained from www//research. stlouisfed. org/fred2/categories/15, accessed on 13 July 2005. Source: GOI (various years). 2 covers about 2000 people. Any person with a designated residential address, rich or poor, urban or rural, can draw supplies from these shops. In 2002, there were about 474,000 shops, 75 per cent in the rural areas. The grains distributed in these shops are of fair-to-average quality. Many well-off people prefer to purchase on the open market for grains of higher quality albeit at a higher price. Pricing is crucial for PDS in India. It is based on current and anticipated open market prices. If prices are too high, the PDS cannot not justify its existence; if too low, a heavy financial burden ensues. When the price of grain is below its cost (procurement, storage, distribution, wastage, etc. ), a government subsidy results. Since the early 1970s, procurement prices were increased annually to ensure reasonable remuneration to farmers. However, the prices at which the PDS dispatched grains could not be raised accordingly. Despite periodical revisions of the centrally-set prices, they were generally kept below costs. Consequently, the subsidy has increased from Rs 67 million in 1970/71 to over Rs 10 billion by 1984/85 and Rs 25 billion by 1989/90 at current prices (see Table 1). The increase in subsidy has attracted much attention and criticism (Parikh 1994; George 1996). It should be noted that subsidy figures in Table 1 are not deflated. No comparable deflators are available for these two countries. Considering that both India and China experienced high levels of inflation during the periods covered, the subsidy in real terms would be smaller. Nonetheless, we calculated the proportion of the subsidy to total GDP and in India in most years it has been typically around 0. 5 per cent. The proportion is higher in recent years due to a higher level of public stocks. China When the Communist Party of China came to power in 1949, there was a food shortage caused by decades of war. The new government took various measures to promote grain production, crack down on hoarding and speculation, and establish as well as strengthen state grain organizations. By the end of 1950, the grain situation was basically brought under control and the state grain organizations had gained a commanding position in the grain market. China started its First Five-Year Plan in 1953. With economic reconstruction underway on a large scale, the demand for grain outpaced availability. In October 1953, it was proposed that the government procure grain directly for supply to consumers in urban areas through a ration system. This was endorsed by the government and implemented in December 1953. Consequently, the ‘unified grain procurement and sale system’ was established, and state grain agencies became the sole buyers and sole sellers in the grain market. Three kinds of buyers were covered by this system: (i) the non-agricultural population (urban) who were issued with grain coupons, (ii) the agricultural population who were engaged in non-grain production or did not produce grain in sufficient quantities, and (iii) other grain users (e. g. , restaurants, bakeries, and food-processing factories or factories using grain as input). An important element of the rationing system was that the grain coupons could be used in government grain stores, restaurants, and manufactured food stores, etc. Usually they could only be used within the issuing area (e. . , a city or a province) but a local grain coupon could be exchanged for a more general one (i. e. , issued by a higher level government) to facilitate travellers. The local grain coupons were usually distributed 3 monthly, but could be used at any time or within a specific period. Although varying across provinces/cities, the proportion of fine to coarse grains was often fixed for a partic ular location. Food items sold through government grain shops primarily included cereals (chiefly rice and wheat flour), other coarse grains, and edible oil. Up till the early 1990s, the system underwent few significant changes. These included: i) ii) iii) Per capita ration was reduced by one kilogram per month in late 1960 in response to the nationwide famine; There were three selling price increases in the mid-1960s; and In 1985, the selling price of grain supplied to qualifying agricultural population was increased to equal the procurement price (the non-agricultural population was still provided with grains at the unified selling price which was below its procurement price). In the same year, changes in the provisions for other grain users were also made. As a result of significant increases in the procurement prices of grains in the late 1970s and early 1980s, and with no increases in the selling price to the non-agricultural population, the government subsidy increased rapidly. By 1990 it had reached 27 billion yuan (see Table 2). This soon triggered much attention and debate within the country. Some advocated de-control over grain marketing, while others proposed that grain prices be determined by the market (see, for example, Liu et al. 1986; Cheng, Lu, and Yan 1987; Yu 1987). But many argued that China’s grain situation could not be left totally to the market because of the critical importance of grain in feeding the people and maintaining social stability (Liu 1986; Ma 1987). The government kept the selling price of grain unchanged in order to maintain social stability. Table 2 Government subsidy on foodgrain consumption in China * Subsidy: Year 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 Note: * ? million US$ million % of GDP 1,114 5,485 10,280 14,222 15,619 18,213 20,167 19,866 16,937 19,543 20,403 26,252 26,761 706 3,666 ,719 8,322 8,232 9,194 8,638 6,747 4,894 5,237 5,468 6,965 5,580 0. 31 1. 36 2. 28 2. 92 2. 95 3. 07 2. 81 2. 22 1. 66 1. 63 1. 37 1. 55 1. 44 Year 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 Subsidy: ? million US$ million % of GDP 26,703 22,435 22,475 20,203 22,891 31,139 41,367 56,504 49,229 75,874 60,544 53,524 55,015 5,005 4,059 3,891 2,338 2,735 3,734 4,972 6,807 5,947 9,165 7,315 6,467 6,647 1. 24 0. 84 0. 65 0. 43 0. 39 0. 46 0. 56 0. 72 0. 60 0. 85 0. 62 0. 51 0. 47 Calendar year, subsidies on grain, cotton and edible oil. Data excluding cotton not available. All are at current prices. Exchange rates obtained from www://research. stlouisfed. org/fred2/categories/15, accessed on 13 July 2005. Source: SSB (various issues). 4 2. 2 The public distribution systems since the early 1990s Clearly, both India and China had spent a large amount on subsidizing food consumption in the early 1990s. By then, however, majority of consumers in both countries were enjoying increased disposable income resulting from economic reforms and could afford foodgrains at market prices. To reduce the food subsidy, many argued that the PDSs need to be reformed so as to target specifically the poor and needy (Deng 1991; Jha 1992; Ahluwalia 1993; Pal, Bahl and Mruthyunjaya 1993). Since the early 1990s, both governments have reformed the PDSs but have chosen different paths. India has endeavoured to make the PDS increasingly targeted to the poor while China has tried to reduce the subsidy burden by cancelling the PDS. India Despite the heavy burden on the public exchequer, few in India have proposed reducing or dismantling the PDS in order to reduce the subsidy. Many agree that the PDS should be viewed as an instrument of income transfer in favour of the poor. From this perspective, existence of the PDS is justified on the ground of providing food security to the poor (Ahluwalia 1993; Dantwala 1993; Pal, Bahl and Mruthyunjaya 1993). Such a view is shared by the government, which believes that (i) eliminating the food subsidy is neither desirable nor feasible in the short and medium term although there is a strong reason to contain it, and (ii) the PDS, as it has now evolved and grown, needs to pay more ttention to the poor and vulnerable (GOI 1994: 66). Under such guidelines the government first launched a scheme in early 1992 to revamp the PDS in some 1800 backward and remote areas. Additional grains were allotted to the states at prices lower than the issue prices for normal PDS. During 1992-95, measures were undertaken to reduce the PDS entitlements to the non-poor or less poor population in an effort to reduce subsidies. Different types of ration cards (in different colours for different rations) were introduced for different groups of the population. In 1997, the government launched a revised scheme of distribution known as the targeted public distribution system (TPDS). Under TPDS, foodgrains were distributed under two-tier delivery system to households below poverty line (BPL) and above poverty line (APL), with each BPL family receiving a set amount of foodgrains per month at heavily subsidized prices (see Table 3). Under the TPDS, the amount of heavily subsidized grains supplied to each of the BPL families was set at 10 kg per month. This set amount, however, has varied over time since 1997, depending on the size of the buffer stock. When the stock level was high, it was increased in an attempt to reduce the stock; for example, in 2001 this amount was increased to 25 kg per month per family (GOI 2002: 128). It was further increased to 35 kg in 2002 (GOI 2003: 94). The price at which the grain is sold to BPL families is set to equal half of its cost. In practice, however, the issue price to BPL families is often less than this stipulated cost (Table 3), and in the earlier years, it was significantly less than half its cost. The issue price to APL families was intended to represent 90 per cent of the cost but in the past years the actual price was often below this target level. The share of grain to BPL families has also changed over the years, and is closely linked to the amount available in the buffer stock. In 1997-98, of the 17. 5 million tons of total BPL and APL allocation, some 41 per cent (7. million tons) were for BPL 5 Table 3 Costs and issue prices of wheat and rice in India (1991-2003) Wheat Cost (Rs/kg) 1991-92 1992-93 1993-94 1994-95 1995-96 1996-97 1997-98 BPL APL 1998-99 BPL APL 1999-00 BPL APL 2000-01 BPL APL 2001-02 BPL APL 2002-03 April BPL APL July BPL APL Source: GOI (2004). 3. 91 5. 04 5. 32 5. 51 5. 84 6. 63 7. 98 Issue price Issue price/cost (Rs/kg) (%) 2. 80 2. 80 3. 30 4. 02 4. 02 4. 02 2. 50 4. 50 8. 00 2. 50 6. 50 8. 87 2. 50 6. 82 8. 58 4. 15 8. 30 8. 59 4. 15 6. 10 9. 15 4. 15 5. 10 4. 15 6. 0 45 56 45 67 48 71 11. 84 5. 65 7. 30 5. 65 8. 30 48 62 48 70 48 97 11. 96 5. 65 8. 30 47 69 28 77 11. 80 5. 65 11. 30 48 96 31 81 10. 74 3. 50 9. 05 33 84 72 56 62 73 69 61 31 56 9. 95 3. 50 9. 05 35 91 Cost (Rs/kg) 4. 97 5. 85 6. 65 6. 95 7. 63 8. 58 9. 37 Rice Issue price Issue price/cost (Rs/kg) (%) 3. 77 3. 77 4. 37 5. 37 5. 37 5. 37 3. 50 7. 00 76 64 66 77 70 63 37 75 population (GOI 1999: 69). In 2000-01, 18. 5 million tons (64 per cent) were allocated for distribution to BPL families, compared to 10. 3 million tons to APL families. Since the TPDS was implemented in 1997, over 60 million BPL families benefit from this revised distribution scheme every year. In addition to TPDS, the Indian government initiated or strengthened a number of schemes to further assist the very poor in the form of cheaper grains. In December 2000, the Antyodaya Anna Yojana (grain scheme for the poorest of the poor) was launched (GOI 2001: 92). It seeks to identify the ten million poorest households out of the 65 million BPL families, and to provide them with 25 kg of foodgrains per family per month at a low price of Rs2/kg for wheat and Rs3/kg for rice. The Annapurna scheme, commenced in 2000-01, provides 10 kg of foodgrains per person per month free to indigent senior citizens above the age of 65 but who are not drawing pension under the national old age pension scheme. In August 2001, the Sampoorna Gramin Rozgar Yojana (integrated rural employment scheme) was announced, under which states are provided with five million tons of foodgrains annually for undertaking work 6 programmes. Other existing welfare programmes were also strengthened to provide foodgrains to benefit the poor. These include the midday meal scheme, wheat based nutrition programme, scheme for supply of foodgrains to scheduled caste/scheduled tribe/other backward classes, the scheme for supply of foodgrains to indigent population living in welfare institutions (GOI 2002: 128). These schemes are used primarily (i) to make the TPDS more focused and targeted towards the poor, (ii) to increase the employment opportunities of the poor, and (iii) to help reduce the overstock of foodgrains in the central reserves. After revamping PDS in the early 1990s, rains are still supplied to consumers at prices lower than cost. Hence, the subsidy on foodgrain consumption remains. Since the introduction of the TPDS, the subsidy has continued to rise (Table 1) because the issue prices for grain for BPL are significantly lower than cost and the distribution of almost free grain has expanded through special schemes. China By the late 1980s and early 1990s, the issue of grain subsidy was receiving considerable atte ntion (Du 1989; Gu 1990; Ke 1990; Huang 1990; Deng 1991). In May 1991, the government moved to reduce subsidies for rationed grain by increasing the unified grain selling prices. But they were still below procurement prices. In April 1992, however, selling prices were further increased to equal procurement prices. Due to a succession of good harvests, market grain prices were low in the early 1990s, and were not much different from the prices of grain in government shops. Urban consumers bought more grain from the market to ensure better quality and selection. Further, the consumption of non-grain food in urban areas started to increase at the expense of foodgrain. This resulted in less importance being attached to the grain coupon and some urban residents started to sell coupons for cash. After certain experiments during late 1992 and early 1993, the state-operated unified grain sale system virtually disappeared around mid-1993. From October 1993, grain prices in the free market increased sharply and this was aggravated by panic buying. Having been sensitive to grain prices, the government immediately mobilized measures to cope with the price surge, including price ceilings on grain traded in the free market. Although grain prices were brought under control early December of that year through heavy administrative interventions, price fluctuations continued in some areas in the first half of 1994. From July 1994, grain prices rose again quickly all over the country. Certain areas reintroduced the coupons in late 1994 and by September 1995, about half of the 30 provinces restored the use of coupons (Anon. 995; Ka 1995). Prices were stable during much of 1995, thanks to additional grain imports and increased grain supply through government shops at subsidized prices. That year local governments were assigned the primary responsibility of handling grain matters under their jurisdiction. Consequently, the public distribution of grains differs across regions, although all regions procure grains under a quota regime at gov ernment-set prices. Some cities sell subsidized grains through government shops without ration; others apply the ration. A few cities, led by Shanghai and Beijing, also attempted to target the low-income population. This was later followed by other cities (Anon. 1996a, 1996b; Shen 1999). 7 However, the need for government provision of subsidized grain through its outlets did not last long. The grain supply in the market turned to abundance from 1996 and prices remained relatively low (Tian and Zhou 2005). For the majority of the population, buying grains at the market price was no longer a problem, although assistance was continued for some low-income consumers. However, approach to providing assistance started to change mainly in the urban areas and a cash income subsidy is currently provided to the needy instead of cheap subsidized foodgrain. From 1993, reform of the old social security system led to the establishment of a new social security system that is cash income transfer based. Since 1994, there has been an increased number of publications addressing China’s social security issues (see, for example, Ding 1997; Shi 1997; Yan 2003; Yu 2003; Guo 2004). Prior to 1994, attention was paid to social security issues by Beijing Review (1994) and Jiao (1994). Jiao (1994) points out that as a result of economic reforms, the old social security system could no longer ‘live up to its functions of promoting production and social stability, helping the underprivileged, and helping to guarantee a basic living standard for all’. It is interesting to note is that in recent years, increasing attention has also been paid to the establishment of a social security system in rural areas (e. g. , Yu 2003; Guo 2004). Wei (2003) attempts to address social security issues for rural migrants working in urban communities. In summary, the PDS in China gradually disappeared around the mid-1990s. Assistance to the poor was no longer provided in the form of subsidized foodgrain. Instead, under the reformed social security system it was gradually replaced with a cash income transfer. Government subsidy on grains, however, was not completely eliminated (see Table 2) but is being spent on maintaining stocks to cover any temporary market fluctuations and the occurrence of large-scale food insecurity. 3 Comparison of the PDSs: similarities and differences Originally introduced to combat food scarcity, the food distribution systems in both India and China have played an important role in ensuring an adequate food intake, particularly during periods of food shortage. Both countries supply their people with food at subsidized prices under a ration system. In this section of the paper, the two PDSs are compared and their similarities and differences are highlighted. 3. 1 The objectives of PDSs Both countries have chosen not to rely completely on the private market but to have instead a government food distribution system. The main objectives of the system in both cases are threefold: i) ii) iii) To contain rises in food prices and keep them within reasonable limits in the wake of production shortage and increasing food demand; To ensure availability of minimum amount of food at a reasonable price to those who do not produce it (or produce it in insufficient quantity); and To make food available at reasonable prices to low-income groups whose food security is most severely affected by high prices. 8 The system has evolved in both countries from a history of periodic food shortages and corresponding sharp price hikes in the private market system. The distribution mechanism also serves as an early warning and quick response system in case of local famine situations. 3. 2 The system The PDS included subsystems for the procurement, storage and distribution of foodgrains. Both countries took steps to involve the local/state governments in the system. China sought to establish a command position for government organizations in the grain market, and thus monopolized grain marketing. The government of India also tried the same but failed. Consequently, less than 10 per cent of the grain production in India is handled by the government and the rest is left to the private market. The Indian PDS does not attempt to meet the public’s entire grain requirement but the PDS is instead intended to cover a certain minimum of the eligible groups coming to the fairprice shops. In contrast, the Chinese government assumed responsibility for feeding the entire registered urban population. As a result, quantities andled by the government of India are much lower than those handled by the government of China (Figure 1). Figure 1 also shows that the quantities despatched through the PDS in India have varied, depending on grain availability and prices on the open market, while in the case of China, with the increasing urban population, the quantity of grains supplied through government shops rose continuously until the mid-1980s when additional agricultural market reforms wer e initiated (Figure 1). In China grains were procured by the local governments according to quotas as assigned by the national government. Total procurements and any imports were allocated to Figure 1 Quantity of foodgrains distributed through the PDSs * 120 100 million tons 80 60 40 20 0 19 84 19 86 19 98 20 00 19 80 19 82 19 88 19 90 19 92 19 94 19 96 20 02 India China Following the price surges in 1993, ration was reintroduced in some regions, and was carried out jointly by the central and local governments. The distribution of foodgrain by the various tiers of government gradually disappeared from 1993 onward. Data for 1994 and thereafter not available to the authors. Sources: GOI (2004); SSB (various issues). Note: * 9 different provinces by the national government, which also managed the stocks. In India the entire procurement process is the responsibility of central government through FCI, which constitutes a part of the farmer price support system. FCI, who handle the distribution to the states, also manages the stocks and distributions across godowns all over the country. Thus, the costs and subsidies involved in the operations of the PDS in China seem to have been shared between the national and provincial governments, whereas in India they are largely borne by the central government. 3. 3 Operation and performance Both countries’ food distribution systems, despite their various shortcomings, have played a significant role in distributing food to the people, particularly during shortages (Acharya 1983; Zhou 1998; Jharwal 1999; Swaminathan 2000; Zhou, Liu and Perera 2001). In addition, the public food distribution system has had a significant role in stabilizing prices in the market and this is particularly true in the case of India (Jharwal 1999). The unit cost of grain handled through the Indian PDS has been rising in recent years (Table 3). This is partly attributable to the high post-procurement cost and leakages to the open market (Ahluwalia 1993). In recent years, India’s excessive public stocks (Table 4) have added to the increasing cost of its PDS (GOI 2002, 2003). Table 4 shows that the actual stock in the beginning of 2002 was more than three times greater than the buffer norm. On the other hand, in China low operation efficiency is a key factor contributing to the increasing cost of its PDS. Although the government has gradually given up supplying grain to consumers through its outlets, it still procures grain for a buffer reserve and various other uses. Low efficiency is a significant contributor for the increasing subsidy. Table 4 Actual foodgrain stocks (wheat and rice) and minimum buffer norms, India Beginning of the year 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 Source: GOI (various issues). Buffer norm 15. 4 15. 4 16. 8 16. 8 16. 8 16. 8 16. 8 16. 8 16. 8 Actual stock 20. 0 18. 3 24. 4 31. 4 45. 7 58. 0 48. 2 24. 4 21. 7 Excess (actual stock minus buffer norm) 4. 2. 9 7. 6 14. 6 28. 9 41. 2 31. 4 7. 6 4. 9 3. 4 The use of private sector The private grain sector, if properly regulated and used, can play an important role in the management of a country’s food distribution. India and China have treated the private sector differently. In China, private traders were subject to strict control and restrictions in the early 1950s, and were almost totally banned f rom trading grains from 10 late 1953 to the early 1980s. Since then, private traders have been allowed to trade in the market although they were constrained by many government regulations. In the late 1990s they were again prohibited from procuring grain directly from the producers although they were allowed to engage in other grain trading activities. A new policy was introduced in June 2004 which gave more freedom to private traders, allowing them to procure grain directly from the producers, subject to a licence. In India, there are fewer restrictions on private-sector grain marketing, and as a result, the private grain sector is well developed. Private channels have also helped the Indian government to cope with the highly concentrated market arrivals during the marketing season in states with a heavy surplus. . 5 Coverage and targeting The coverage of PDS is different in China and India. In China, the ration system favoured the registered urban population, irrespective of wealth. Deficit or non-grain producing rural households were also included. In India, both urban and rural households with designated residential addresses were entitled to subsidized grain, irre spective of income. However, during the 1990s, some modifications were introduced and entitlements to non-poor families were reduced. In India, despite the fact that the rural population is covered and some three-fourths of the fair-price shops are located in rural areas, the issue of whether the people in rural communities receive an equitable share of the benefits from the PDS has received much attention (see, for example, Dev and Suryanarayana 1991; Ahluwalia 1993; Dantwala 1993). In China, on the other hand, there have been very few arguments supporting the interests of the rural people, even when surplus grain was transferred to urban areas, leaving rural people without adequate stocks. Contrary to efforts in India, very few researchers in China have attempted to examine how the bias of the PDS implemented by the Chinese government have impacted on the rural populations of the country. 3. 6 Costs and policy responses In both countries a considerable amount of the budget is spent on food subsidies, and efforts have been made to reduce the public exchequer’s heavy burden. Each country, however, has chosen a different approach to deal with the subsidy burden. The Chinese government selected to reduce the subsidy by allowing its PDS to disintegrate, preferring instead to reform the old social security system and to establish a new system of cash income transfers to focus more on the needy. This transition may have been made possible by three factors. First, the majority of the urban population could afford to buy foodgrain at market prices. Second, the economy was strong enough to provide social security support (in the form of cash income transfers) to the urban poor; and finally, the strong grassroots administrative arrangements were useful in helping identify the poor. Although the government of India realized that there are compelling reasons for containing the subsidy, its elimination is considered as neither desirable nor feasible in the short and medium term (GOI 1994: 66). Rather than abolish the PDS in order to reduce the subsidy, the Indian government initiated policies to improve the efficiency of the PDS, including 11 better targeting of the poor and the vulnerable. This has led to the introduction of the TPDS in the late 1990s. There have been many attempts to address the effectiveness of the PDS of India, especially on its impact on the poor. See for example, Radhakrishna et al. (1997); Kozel and Parker (1998); Dutta and Ramaswami (2001); Zhou, Liu and Perera (2001); Dev (2002); Ramaswami (2004), and Jha and Srinivasan (2004). Findings are mixed, however. According to Kozel and Parker (1998), the TPDS is often cited by the poor as essential to their wellbeing. Zhou, Liu and Perera (2001) also indicate that the PDS in India has contributed to welfare improvement of the poor. Others, however, believe that the PDS has had minimal impact on the poverty and nutritional status of the population, and that it is not cost-effective (Radhakrishna et al. 997; Jha and Srinivasan 2004). Some argue that other anti-poverty programmes such as employment schemes could be more effective. 4 Impact of the PDS on food security Having compared the PDSs in the two countries, we now address the impacts of the PDSs on food security. 4. 1 National food security There is no doubt that the PDSs have contributed to national food security in both coun tries. Since consumers are assured of foodgrain supply, the PDS limits panic-buying during food shortage, and eliminates unnecessary fluctuations in the market. The buffer stock, a vital element of the PDS, plays a particularly important role. In China, the PDS helped the country to survive both domestic food shortages as well as the western blockage of food imports in the early 1960s (Zhao and Qi 1988). In India, the functioning of the minimum support price (MSP) and FCI, and the existence of buffer stocks made large-scale food imports such as those under the PL480 food aid programme unnecessary. Also, the stock release during consecutive droughts of 200103 helped to ease food shortage. With its buffer stocks, India has managed successfully to cope with the severe drop in grain output without having to rely on large imports. In 2003, India managed to net-export about 5 million tons of grains (GOI 2004: s-22). 4. 2 Food security of the general public In principle, the PDS in India is accessible to all people, rural or urban residents, rich or poor, provided that they have the designated residential address. In contrast, the majority of the rural people in China were excluded, but all urban residents, rich or poor, were cov ered. These measures have ensured a more equitable distribution of foodgrain to the general public, particularly important in times of severe grain shortages. India’s buffer stock level dropped from 61. 7 million tons in July 2001 (when the norm in July is 24. 3 million tons) to 20 million tons in April 2004 (the norm in April being 15. 8 million tons) (GOI 2004: 93). 12 The urban bias in China was unfair to its farmers. Nonetheless, the country has been able to sustain its population through several difficult times of food scarcity. In retrospect, this practice of milking the agricultural sector has enabled China to secure grain for urban distribution and to extract funds for industrialization, giving the country more momentum for development (Liu 1998). . 3 Food security of the poor When the PDSs were first initiated, there was no direct targeting the poor in either system. The poor were treated as any other eligible person. In China, while the majority of rural residents w ere excluded, the very poor were provided with various relief measures. Targeting the poor was gradually introduced in urban areas from the early 1990s as a means of reducing grain subsidy. The price surges of 1994 and 1995 led to supplies being rationed in some regions. During those few years, targeting was widely used (Anon. 1996a, 1996b; Shen 1999). In India, the PDS was indirectly targeted for the poor, as the provision of grain was only fair-to-average in quality, and wealthier customers could buy better quality grain on the open market. The system became more protective of the poor with the introduction of the TPDS in 1997. While Radhakrishna et al. (1997) claim that the impact of the PDS on nutritional status of the poor is minimal, Zhou, Liu and Perera (2001) find that the cereal consumption and nutritional intake of the poor has improved over time, thanks to the PDS. The Zhou study analyses food consumption and nutrition intake of the poorest 30 per cent of the population. It examines how the PDS may have affected the food consumption and welfare of the poor from multi-dimensional perspectives: between rural and urban regions, across states, and over time. According to Ramaswami (2004), targeting was achieved because the relatively rich voluntarily sidestep the programme. However, as the poor in India live in slums, they do not have the requisite designated address and may consequently not be able to take advantage of the PDS. Indeed, they may even be worse off, as PDS has induced higher open market prices (Dantwala 1967; Tyagi 1990: 88-99). 5 Policy implications 5. Subsidy on food can be a cost-effective way to help the developing-country poor The substantial food subsidy has attracted criticism in both countries, and the efficiency of the PDSs is often questioned. However, it must be recognized that the most essential part in the wellbeing of the poor is access to adequate food supply and that food needs to be obtained within a much stricter time con straint than virtually any other life necessity (Spitz 1985). Access to food (in the short term) can be arranged either through direct cash transfers within a well-established social security system, or through the provision of subsidized food by PDS. Direct transfers imply an effective income monitoring mechanism so that an income test can be applied, but most developing countries lack such a mechanism. Consequently, a government-administered system for distributing food at reasonable prices is a practical option to provide a safety-net to the poor. 13 Table 5 Shares of social security expenditure and foodgrain subsidy out of total government expenditure (at current prices) Expenditure on social security (excl. ubsidy on grains)(a Rs million Total government expenditure Rs million INDIA, 1992-2004 1991/92 1992/93 1993/94 1994/95 1995/96 1996/97 1997/98 1998/99 1999/00 2000/01 2001/02 2002/03 2003/04 10,470 12,910 14,440 17,410 26,000 27,830 29,440 33,310 48,340 33,770 37,130 32,060 33,670 Expenditure on social security (excl. subsidy on grains) ? million 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 Notes: (a Year Subsidy on grains Rs million Social security Social security expenditure out of expenditure and grain total govn’t subsidy out of total expenditure govn’t expenditure % % 8,500 28,000 55,370 51,000 53,770 60,660 75,000 87,000 92,000 120,100 174,940 241,760 251,600 1,061,688 1,186,173 1,364,894 1,502,600 1,688,889 1,910,450 2,154,867 2,568,860 2,994,312 3,256,698 3,612,364 4,013,750 4,737,273 Total government expenditure ? million CHINA, 1993-2003 464,230 579,262 682,372 793,755 923,356 1,079,818 1,318,767 1,588,650 1,890,258 2,205,315 2,464,995 0. 99 1. 09 1. 06 1. 16 1. 54 1. 46 1. 37 1. 30 1. 61 1. 04 1. 03 0. 80 0. 71 3. 67 3. 45 5. 11 4. 55 4. 72 4. 63 4. 85 4. 68 4. 69 4. 72 5. 87 6. 82 6. 02 Year Subsidy on grains(b ? million 22,475 20,203 22,891 31,139 41,367 56,504 49,229 75,874 60,544 53,524 55,015 Social security Social security expenditure out of expenditure and grain total govn’t subsidy out of total expenditure govn’t expenditure % 1. 62 1. 64 1. 69 1. 61 1. 54 1. 59 1. 36 1. 34 1. 41 1. 69 2. 02 % 6. 46 5. 13 5. 05 5. 54 6. 02 6. 82 5. 10 6. 12 4. 61 4. 12 4. 26 7,527 9,514 11,546 12,803 14,214 17,126 17,988 21,303 26,668 37,297 49,882 Includes expenditure on (i) welfare of SC/ST and other backward classes and (ii) social welfare and nutrition. (b Includes subsidies on grain, cotton and edible oil. Data without cotton are not available Sources: GOI (various issues) for India, and SSB (various issues) for China. In developing countries like India and China, expenditures on food subsidy are a part of the country’s social security expenses. A comparison between social security spending in the USA, Australia, and Japan and food subsidy expenditure in China and India reveals that the expenditure of developed countries on social security is much higher than that of India and China on food subsidies (expressed as share of total government budget) (Zhou and Gandhi 2000). Whereas social security expenditure is 22 per cent in the USA, 35 per cent in Australia, and 22 per cent in Japan, food subsidy is only about 4 4-6 per cent in China and India. In both countries, even when all other social security expenditures are included, the proportion at about 6-8 per cent is still much smaller than that in the developed countries (Table 5). Given that the PDS is still being used in India, the country’s economists and policymakers need to evaluate the situation carefully when they embark on reduc ing the food subsidy. Efforts to reduce the subsidy purely for the sake of improving efficiency must take into consideration the cost of helping the poor in other ways. The experience of China clearly shows that while the foodgrain subsidy has dropped in recent years, total social security expenditures have increased in both absolute and relative terms (see Table 5, bottom panel). In contrast, even though the foodgrain subsidy has escalated recently in India, the social security expenditure has not increased. In balance, total expenditures for both social security and food subsidy have remained largely comparable to earlier years (see Table 5, top panel). For India, helping the poor through the PDS seems to be the appropriate approach. 5. The level of economic development and provision of food subsidy With regard to food security, the experience of China shows that when a country’s economic development reaches certain level, it is possible to shift from food subsidy to direct cash payments. In doing so, one needs to consider the general public’s ability to buy grain on the open market, and whether the truly poor can be identified witho ut unreasonable high administrative costs. China, with its history of a centrally controlled regime, has well organized administrative mechanisms in place that extended right down to street-level units. This helps to identify those in need with little extra costs. In India today, the majority of the population can afford to buy grain on the open market and in normal circumstances they do not need to rely on the PDS. The country’s economy is also in a much stronger position than earlier. However, India lacks the administrative facilities that could help to identify the poor and to administer income transfers in a cost-effective manner. Thus, the PDS is likely to exist in India for some time to come. 5. PDS is still needed in India In India, a large number of people are undernourished; India’s undernourished may well constitute the largest share of hungry people in any single country of the world. They all need to be provided with food. Given that identifying the poor and administering direct income transfers is likely to be costly, food subsidy with proper targeting remains a more cost-effective way to improve food security. Policymakers, economists, and the general pub lic should not be hasty in abolishing the PDS but should wait till the country is ready to make direct income transfers to the poor. Until such a time, it is imperative to improve the efficiency of the PDS to reduce or eliminate waste and leakage. In recent years, the demand for the PDS has been declining, largely due to income growth on one hand and a change in the structure of demand on the other. Indians are consuming less foodgrain per capita by substituting non-cereal foods (GOI 2002: 123). This decline may justify gradual reduction in the size of PDS operations. 15 Pilot programmes to reduce PDS operations or even shift to direct income transfers could be considered in regions or states where conditions permit. 5. A buffer stock controlled by the central government is essential In India, buffer stocks are a significant element in the operations of the PDS, and in efforts to smooth domestic market fluctuations. China, on the other hand, was unable to build a reasonably sized buffer stock until the mid-1980s (Zhou 1997), but since then the buffer stock has contributed importantly to the management of Chinaâ₠¬â„¢s grain economy. A buffer stock controlled by the central government is still the vital means of achieving food security in both China and India. This is true whether or not a physical PDS is maintained. In China, the PDS gradually disappeared, but the buffer stock system is still in place. Such a system is needed to deal with temporary market fluctuations and to handle any large-scale food insecurity. It would be to the advantage of both countries if they could learn from each other. India, on the one hand, could gain from China’s experience by learning to manage its buffer stock with more flexibility. Once the stock becomes excessive, different measures need to be exercised to dispose of the surplus, e. g. , exporting, as China did in 1998-2003, when it exported large quantities from its buffer stock, even though subsidy had to be provided. Excessive grain stock can also be used to produce processed foods or animal products. China, on the other hand, could benefit from India’s PDS administration by bringing transparency to its buffer stock management. Zhou and Tian (2005) attribute the high cost of maintaining China’s buffer stock to the lack of transparency. With transparency in its operations, China may not need to maintain such high volumes of buffer stock. Learning from each other could resolve the criticism often directed at the excessive amount of public stock in India or the lack of transparency in grain management in China. Interestingly, although China’s buffer stock is well over 100 million tons (exact figures not available from government sources), few have complained about excessive buffer stock (limited information published on the minimum norm). Quite the contrary, the Chinese are often concerned about grain security. In comparison, when India’s buffer stock was some 20-40 million tons over its norm in the past few years (15. 8 million tons in April and 24. 3 million tons in July), there was considerable outcry about the excessive stock. 6 Concluding comments In this paper, we examined the institution of the PDSs in India and China and discussed how the PDSs have helped these two populous countries to improve national food security, food security of the general public, and food security of the poor. Our analyses show that a PDS is a useful policy instrument, particularly when there is a shortage of food. It can also be a cost-effective measure to counteract poverty. Moreover, a buffer stock controlled by the central government is essential to ensuring and improving a country’s food security, regardless of whether or not a physical PDS is maintained. 16 The experiences of the PDSs in both countries under study could provide valuable lessons. 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